Not like Obama, who says it’s for duck hunting
In his column A Minority View, economist Walter E. Williams reminds why the Founding Fathers considered it necessary to draft the Second Amendment — not as something that allows free Americans to hunt, but to ensure a well-armed citizenry that is free to defend itself from a government that seeks to destroy their liberties.
Williams begins by quoting President Obama who has said in the last couple of years, “I have a profound respect for the traditions of hunting that trace back in this country for generations.” The NRA and Gun Owners of America, Williams said, is to blame for perpetuating this misunderstanding of the Second Amendment as it was meant to be according to the Framers. And to prove his point, Williams quotes the Founding Fathers and asks, “[T]ell me which one of them suggest that they gave us the Second Amendment for deer and duck hunting and protection against criminals.”
Alexander Hamilton said, “The best we can hope for concerning the people at large is that they be properly armed,” adding later, “If the representatives of the people betray their constituents, there is then no recourse left but in the exertion of that original right of self-defense which is paramount to all positive forms of government.” What institution was Hamilton referring to when he said “the representatives of the people”?
Thomas Jefferson: “What country can preserve its liberties if their rulers are not warned from time to time that their people preserve the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms.” Who are the rulers Jefferson had in mind?
James Madison, the “Father of the Constitution,” said, “(The Constitution preserves) the advantage of being armed, which the Americans possess over the people of almost every other nation … (where) the governments are afraid to trust the people with arms.”
George Mason, author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, which served as inspiration for the U.S. Constitution’s Bill of Rights, said, “To disarm the people — that was the best and most effectual way to enslave them,” later saying, “I ask, sir, what is the militia? It is the whole people, except for a few public officials.”
Richard Henry Lee said, “To preserve liberty, it is essential that the whole body of the people always possess arms, and be taught alike, especially when young, how to use them.”
Even liberal voices of old, though not as old as Thomas Jefferson, could see the original intent of the language. This quote is from Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who under Lyndon B. Johnson said : “Certainly, one of the chief guarantees of freedom under any government, no matter how popular and respected, is the right of the citizen to keep and bear arms. … The right of the citizen to bear arms is just one guarantee against arbitrary government, one more safeguard against the tyranny which now appears remote in America but which historically has proven to be always possible.”
Of course, as Williams notes, today’s liberals don’t see it this way, much like others throughout history. One example being Fidel Castro who questioned his citizens’ right to bear arms: “Armas para que?” (“Guns, for what?”) Or Adolf Hitler who once said, “The most foolish mistake we could possibly make would be to allow the subject races to possess arms. History shows that all conquerors who have allowed their subject races to carry arms have prepared their own downfall by so doing.”
At the heart of the original American ideal is the deep distrust and suspicion the founders of our nation had for Congress, distrust and suspicion not shared as much by today’s Americans. Some of the founders’ distrust is seen in our Constitution’s language, such as Congress shall not abridge, infringe, deny, disparage, violate or deny. If the founders did not believe Congress would abuse our God-given rights, they would not have provided those protections.
Maybe there are Americans who would argue that we are moving toward greater liberty and less government control over our lives and no longer need to remain an armed citizenry. I’d like to see their evidence.